Editorial of the Socialist 1336
The ‘Unite the Kingdom’ march in London on 13 September sounds a warning that the workers’ movement must urgently respond to. Police estimate that 110,000 took to the streets in the largest-ever demonstration called by far-right racist Tommy Robinson. Those that attended, who went far beyond the still small numbers in the organised far right, heard a succession of speeches whipping up racism and division, including from the world’s richest man, Elon Musk. Anyone who the far right were demonising unlucky enough to be in central London that day — whether migrant, Black, Asian, trans, Muslim or others — will have felt intimidated. While the majority of marchers were peaceful, the fascistic thugs on it were given confidence by the size of the march. The much smaller Stand Up to Racism counter-demo was surrounded by the far right and had to rely on the police for protection (see report below).
This alarming picture does not, however, represent the underlying balance of forces in society. While this demo was bigger than previous far-right marches, there have been much greater numbers on repeated protests over Gaza. And opposition to racism is widespread. For example, only 8% today agree that being white is important to being ‘British’. Polling in January this year shows that only 4% of people have a ‘very favourable’ view of Tommy Robinson, while 52% see him ‘very unfavourably’. That, however, must be shown in action, and the trade unions need to take the lead.
Working-class strength
The strength of the six million-plus trade union movement stems from workers’ ability to organise collective action to fight for their common interests. In 2022-23, when we saw the biggest strike wave since the 1980s, workers from all backgrounds struck together. Increased division and racism does not only effect those that experience racism, it weakens the whole working class. It is essential that the trade unions take the lead in fighting against it.
For a long period, trade union leaders have agreed donations to Stand Up to Racism, and considered their anti-racist duty done. But Saturday’s events showed beyond doubt that this is not a way forward. The trade union movement itself needs to take responsibility for, and democratic control of, the fight against racism. In 2018, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) agreed to build a mass campaign for ‘jobs, homes and services, not racism’. It is overdue that those words are turned into action.
The fight against racist division cannot be separated from organising opposition to New Labour’s pro-capitalist government. Starmer is the most unpopular prime minister a year after a general election in history. He is hated because Labour has continued with Tory austerity, particularly attacking the poorest sections of the working class. More voters earning under £30,000 a year have abandoned Labour and said they will vote Reform than any other section of society. No surprise that those who have suffered from the continued two-child benefit cap, the cuts to the winter fuel allowance and to disability benefits are looking for a means to express their rage, and that some have picked up Farage and Reform as a means to do so.
In reality, Farage supports brutal austerity and attacks on the working class. Back in 2011, he actually organised a ‘pro-austerity’ demonstration. Just a few hundred people attended. Meanwhile three quarters of a million marched on the trade union demonstration against Tory/Liberal Democrat austerity, followed by a one-day public sector general strike of two million workers. The trade union movement needs to do the same again. Alternatively, if trade union leaders continue to try to act as cover for the New Labour government, they will be putting out the red carpet for Reform, and leaving room for racism and division to grow further. The resolution agreed at this year’s TUC conference to call a national anti-austerity demonstration needs to be made a reality, by seriously mobilising for a national Saturday demonstration – before the 26 November Budget – under the slogan ‘no to Labour austerity, no to racist division’. This act alone would transform the situation. All trade unionists should call on their unions to demand the TUC takes this step, and to coordinate with others to ensure it happens if the TUC does not act.
At the same time, the need for the working class to have its own political party is urgently posed. The 800,000 who have answered Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana’s ‘your party’ call is a sign of the possibilities. This too is a potential force that could mobilise hundreds of thousands on the streets for the national demonstration that is needed. It could also provide an alternative to Reform at the ballot box. In next May’s local and Wales Senedd elections, voters are going to be looking for a means to express their rage at continued attacks on the working class. Reform is the main weapon many can see at the moment. But if Corbyn and Sultana’s call has led to a party — organised democratically and with a fighting socialist programme — it would be possible for it to win councils on a programme including mass council housebuilding, rent controls, refusal to implement cuts to local services.
Already 67% of Reform voters think Jeremy Corbyn is ‘for working people’. The launch of a party that was prepared to use their positions in councils to wage a real campaign against New Labour government austerity, instead of Reform’s racist posturing, would mark a huge step forward in uniting the working class in a common struggle against the capitalist elite.
How to combat the far right – ‘a skip full of lessons to be learned’
A report from a Unite and Socialist Party member who took part in the Stand Up to Racism counter-protest in London on 13 September.
The demonstration called by the far right last Saturday and the counter-demonstration called by Stand Up to Racism provide a skip full of lessons which must be learnt immediately if we are to seriously counter the far right.
It had been obvious for some weeks that the far right-led demonstration would be large and that it would not just be attended by the normal spattering of football hooligans, committed members of fascist organisations, and those simply looking for a fight. In the weeks leading up to the demonstration, the signs were there – even some on trade union picket lines were talking about attending the far-right side on the day. This may be unpalatable, but it is a reality that needs to be addressed. In addition, the make-up of demonstrators is significant. There were families, some perhaps on their first demonstration ever. This is not to overplay or promote the far-right demonstration. Instead, it shows the level of the task facing those opposed to the far right and what needs to be done. Over 100,000 attended the far-right demo. The counter-demo was, it seemed to me, around 5,000.
It was clear beforehand that the numbers on the counter-demonstration were going to be smaller. This meant a serious assessment of the tactics on the day, including holding a rally at the starting point rather than marching and being surrounded by the far right. It also meant that the issue of stewarding was more important than ever.
Instead, there was a grossly mistaken reliance on the police. This became even more obvious as the day went on. Following a rally at the start, the march moved off with the stewarding concentrated at the head of the march. This allowed supporters of the far right to follow the rear. Once we reached Whitehall, it was clear that the weak organisation of stewarding was a problem. Individual and small groups of supporters of the far right were already hanging about in the rally area, which backed onto the far-right rally, with a ‘sterile zone’ in between.
Not far into the beginning of the rally, far-right supporters could be seen on one of the roads leading into Whitehall. Once pushed back, they then came back in larger numbers down another road facing onto Whitehall. By the end of the rally, they had also taken the top of Whitehall (Trafalgar Square). This then meant that all exits were closed. Therefore, by this time, the relatively small counter-protest compared to the large far-right numbers, was at the mercy of the far right with only the police for protection.
This stalemate remained for some hours until the police opened up a gap allowing the counter-protest to march to Green Park. This was the biggest failure in stewarding. The walk past the far right opened up the possibility of physical attacks with the police only holding one side. At several points, riot units ran past to block off threats from side streets. Once at Green Park, the counter-protest dispersed.
Lessons
There are several lessons. This type of demonstration must be properly and responsibly stewarded. The comparison with demonstrations in Welling, South London in the 1990s when the Socialist Party led the campaign against the British National Party (BNP) is stark. Then, our members physically defended those demonstrations against attack. Put quite simply, if people do not feel safe, they will not attend demonstrations to counter the far right. It is ridiculous that so much faith was placed in the police. The rally point and exits should have been secured by stewards.
The attendance was low for a number of reasons. The Unite speaker and Socialist Party member Onay Kasab made the point at the rally that fighting racism means building council homes with secure tenancies, rebuilding the NHS and local government services. It means jobs with decent pay. These should have been the key demands for the demonstration. This was not the case.
That is not to ignore the crucial message regarding migrants and asylum seekers. We fight and defend these rights as strongly as ever. But the demands for a demonstration against racism must be led by a slogan such as ‘Jobs and homes not racism’, if we are to reach out to those misled by racist ideas. Our inspiration must be those like Freddie Hampton, US Black Panther, who reached out to some of the most reactionary elements of the white working class with the message that our fight is a joint one against the same enemy.
There are already those within Unite opposed to the leadership of Sharon Graham who are asking “Where was Unite?” This is a cynical weaponising of the issue. Unite had a speaker at the event and the recent TUC fringe, as well as providing much of the finance. Regions and branches were therefore free to build for the counter-demonstration. However, we now need a discussion about how the whole trade union movement – including Unite – can start to play the central role in the anti-racist movement, instead of simply funding Stand Up to Racism but not taking responsibility for, or having any say in democratic decisions on, how the movement is built.
Crucially, if trade unions are to have a role building for future demonstrations, trade union demands must also be at the heart of the campaign. The Coca–Cola advertising style of anti-racism does not work – it must be a class-based message based on the need to cut across racist division by providing real alternatives, based on jobs, decent pay, rights at work and homes for all.